印度与英格兰
本译文由人工智能辅助工具生成,可能存在不准确之处。如需查阅权威文本,请参考英文原文。
AI-translated. May contain errors. For accurate text, refer to the original English.
中文
在伦敦社交季期间,辨喜(Vivekananda)斯瓦米一直在向大量被其学说和哲学所吸引的人们传授和演讲。大多数英国人以为英国几乎垄断了传教事业,除了法国的少量努力外几乎无人问津。因此我前往斯瓦米在南贝尔格莱维亚的临时寓所,想要探问印度究竟能向英国传达什么信息——撇开她在本土开支、司法与行政职能合一、苏丹及其他远征费用分摊等问题上不得不一再发出的抗议之外。
"印度派出传教士并非新鲜事,"斯瓦米从容地说。"在阿育王时代,在佛教信仰尚在青春期时,当她有东西可以教导周围的国家时,她就曾经这样做过。"
"那么,请问她为什么停止了这样做,又为什么现在重新开始了呢?"
"她停止了,因为她变得自私了,忘记了一个原则:国家和个人一样,都依靠相互给予和索取的体系来维持和繁荣。她对世界的使命始终如一。那是灵性的使命,内省思想的领域自古以来就是她的疆土;抽象科学、形而上学、逻辑学是她的专有领地。事实上,我出使英国是英国出使印度的结果。征服、统治、利用物理科学的知识为她自己和我们谋利,这是英国的使命。在试图总结印度对世界的贡献时,我想到了一个梵语和一个英语的习语。当你们说一个人死了,你们的说法是'他放弃了鬼魂',而我们说'他放弃了身体'。同样,你们说身体拥有一个灵魂,这不啻于暗示身体才是人的主体。而我们说人是一个灵魂,拥有一个身体。这些不过是表面的细微涟漪,但它们显示了你们民族思想的潮流。我想提醒你们,叔本华曾预言,当印度哲学在欧洲广为人知时,其影响将如同黑暗时代末期希腊和拉丁学术的复兴一样具有划时代意义。东方学研究正在取得巨大进展;一个思想的新世界正在向真理的探寻者敞开大门。"
"那么印度最终要征服她的征服者吗?"
"是的,在思想的世界里。英国拥有利剑,拥有物质世界,正如我们的穆斯林征服者在她之前一样。然而伟大的阿克巴实际上成了一个印度教徒;受过教育的穆斯林,即苏菲派,几乎与印度教徒无法区分;他们不吃牛肉,在其他方面也遵从我们的习俗。他们的思想已被我们的思想所渗透。"
"那么,这就是你为那位威风凛凛的大人预见的命运?此时此刻,他看起来离这一步还远着呢。"
"不,这并不像你暗示的那么遥远。在宗教思想的世界里,印度教徒和英国人有许多共同之处,其他宗教团体中也有同样的证据。凡是英国统治者或文职人员对印度文学——尤其是她的哲学——有所了解的地方,就存在着共同同情的基础,一片不断扩展的领地。毫不夸张地说,某些人所持的那种排斥——有时甚至是轻蔑——的态度,其根源不过是无知。"
"是的,那是愚蠢的表现。你能说说为什么你先去了美国而不是英国执行你的使命吗?"
"那纯属偶然——是世界宗教议会在世博会期间于芝加哥而非本该在伦敦举办的结果。迈索尔王公和其他一些朋友送我前往美国担任印度教代表。除了去年夏天和今年夏天来伦敦演讲之外,我在那里待了三年。美国人是一个伟大的民族,前途远大。我非常钦佩他们,在他们中间结识了许多善良的朋友。他们比英国人偏见更少,更愿意衡量和审视一种新思想,不因其新颖而贬低其价值。他们也极为好客;在展示自己的凭证方面,可以说浪费的时间要少得多。你在美国旅行时——如我一样——从一个城市到另一个城市,始终在朋友们中间演讲。我去过波士顿、纽约、费城、巴尔的摩、华盛顿、得梅因、孟菲斯及许多其他地方。"
"在每一个地方都留下了弟子?"
"是的,有弟子,但没有组织。那不是我工作的一部分。凭良心说,这类组织已经够多了。组织需要人来管理;它们必须寻求权力、金钱、影响力。它们常常为控制权而争斗,甚至大打出手。"
"你这次使命的要旨能否用几句话概括?你要宣扬的是比较宗教学吗?"
"实际上是宗教哲学,是一切外在宗教形式的核心。所有宗教形式都有本质和非本质的部分。如果我们将后者剥离,就剩下所有宗教形式共同拥有的真正基础。在它们背后是统一。我们可以称之为神、安拉、耶和华、灵、爱;这是同一个统一体,赋予一切生命以活力,从最低等的形式到人身上最崇高的显现。我们需要强调的正是这个统一,然而在西方乃至世界各处,人们倾向于强调的恰恰是非本质的东西。他们会为了这些形式而争斗甚至杀戮,迫使他人顺从。鉴于本质乃是对神的爱和对人的爱,这至少可以说是奇怪的。"
"我想一个印度教徒永远不会迫害异己。"
"他确实从未如此;他是所有人种中最宽容的。考虑到他是多么虔诚的宗教信仰者,人们或许会以为他会迫害那些不信神的人。耆那教徒视这种信仰为纯粹的妄念,然而从未有耆那教徒遭到迫害。在印度,穆斯林是第一批拿起刀剑的人。"
"本质统一的学说在英国进展如何?这里有上千个教派。"
"随着自由和知识的增长,它们必将逐渐消失。它们建立在非本质之物上,就事物的本质而言,这些是不可能存续的。各教派已经完成了它们的使命,那就是在其成员所能理解的范围内形成一种排他性的兄弟情谊。我们正逐步推倒将这些个体聚合物隔开的壁垒,走向人类博爱的理念。在英国,这项工作进展缓慢,也许因为时机尚未成熟;但它依然在取得进展。请允许我提请你注意英国正在印度从事的类似工作。现代种姓制度的区分是印度进步的障碍。它使人狭隘、受限、分离。它将在思想的推进面前崩塌。"
"然而有些英国人——他们对印度并非最缺乏同情,也并非对她的历史最为无知——认为种姓制度在整体上是有益的。一个人很容易过于欧化了。你自己也批评我们的许多理想是唯物主义的。"
"不错。没有一个理性的人会以将印度同化为英国为目标;身体是由背后的思想所塑造的。因此政治体制是民族思想的表达,而在印度,则是数千年思想的表达。将印度欧化因此是一项不可能而且愚蠢的任务:进步的要素一直活跃地存在于印度之中。只要有了和平的政府,这些要素就总是会显现出来。从奥义书(Upanishads)时代直到今天,我们几乎所有伟大的导师都曾试图打破种姓的壁垒——我指的是其堕落状态下的种姓,而非原初的制度。你们在现行种姓制度中所看到的些许善处,都是从原初种姓制度中保留下来的,而原初制度是最光辉的社会建制。佛陀(Buddha)曾试图恢复种姓的原初形式。在印度每一次觉醒的时期,总有人做出巨大努力来打破种姓制度。但建设一个新印度的,必须始终是我们自己——作为我们过去的结果和延续,在任何可能找到有益外来思想的地方加以吸收。这决不能由他人来做;成长必须从内部生发。英国所能做的一切,就是帮助印度实现她自己的救赎。一切由他人口述而来的进步——当他人的手扼住印度咽喉之时——在我看来毫无价值。最崇高的工作只有在奴隶劳动的条件下才会堕落。"
"你对印度国民大会运动有所关注吗?"
"我不能说关注很多;我的工作在另一个领域。但我认为这场运动意义重大,并衷心祝愿它成功。一个国家正在从印度的不同种族中被铸造出来。我有时觉得它们的差异不亚于欧洲各民族之间的差异。在过去,欧洲曾为争夺印度贸易而角逐,而这一贸易在世界文明进程中扮演了举足轻重的角色;获得它几乎可以被称为人类历史的一个转折点。我们看到荷兰人、葡萄牙人、法国人和英国人相继为此争夺。美洲的发现也可以追溯到威尼斯人试图在遥远的西方寻求补偿,以弥补他们在东方所遭受的损失。"
"这一切将走向何方?"
"它必将以印度同质性的实现而告终,以她获得我们可以称之为民主理念的东西而告终。智识不能始终是少数文化精英的专利;它将从上层阶级向下层阶级传播。教育正在普及,义务教育也将随之而来。我们人民巨大的工作潜力必须被发掘和利用。印度的潜能是巨大的,必将被激发出来。"
"有没有哪个国家在不是军事强国的情况下而成为伟大国家的?"
"有,"斯瓦米毫不犹豫地说,"中国就是。在其他国家中,我曾游历过中国和日本。今天的中国就像一群乌合之众;但在她全盛时期,她拥有任何国家迄今所知的最令人钦佩的组织体系。我们称之为现代的许多发明和方法,中国人早在数百甚至数千年前就已实行。以科举考试为例。"
"她为什么变得混乱了?"
"因为她无法培养出与其制度相匹配的人才。你们有句话说人不能通过一纸法案就变得有德行;中国人比你们更早体验了这一点。这正是为什么宗教比政治具有更深层的重要性,因为它直达根本,处理行为的本质。"
"印度是否意识到了你所提到的觉醒?"
"完全意识到了。世界看到的也许主要是国民大会运动和社会改革领域的动向;但在宗教方面的觉醒同样真切,只是运行得更为无声。"
"东西方有着如此不同的生活理想。我们的理想似乎是完善社会制度。当我们忙于处理这些事务时,东方人却在冥想抽象概念。这不,议会一直在讨论苏丹印度军队的费用问题。所有保守派主流报刊都对政府的不公正决定发出了强烈抗议,而你大概认为整件事不值一提。"
"但你完全错了,"斯瓦米说着拿起报纸,飞速浏览了保守派刊物的摘录。"在这件事上我的同情自然站在我的国家一边。然而它让人想起一句古老的梵语谚语:'你已经卖掉了大象,何必还为象钩争吵呢?'印度总是在付账。政客们的争吵非常奇特。将宗教引入政治需要漫长的岁月。"
"尽管如此,人们应该尽快做出努力。"
"是的,在这伟大的伦敦的心脏播下一个思想,这是值得的——伦敦无疑是有史以来所启动的最伟大的治理机器。我常常观察它的运转,那种力量和精确,最细微的脉络都能触及,它奇妙的循环和分配系统。这有助于人们认识到这个帝国是多么伟大,它的任务是多么宏伟。在一切其他之外,它还传播思想。一个人若能在这部伟大机器的心脏中置入一些思想,使它们能够流通到最偏远的部分,那将是值得的。"
斯瓦米仪表堂堂。身材高大、肩膀宽阔,俊朗的面容因其富有画意的东方服饰而更显突出,他的人格魅力极为鲜明。他出身孟加拉,受教育于加尔各答大学,是一位大学毕业生。他的演说才能极高。他能连续演讲一个半小时,不用讲稿,不会有丝毫的措辞停顿。
English
During the London season, Swami Vivekananda has been teaching and lecturing to considerable numbers of people who have been attracted by his doctrine and philosophy. Most English people fancy that England has the practical monopoly of missionary enterprise, almost unbroken save for a small effort on the part of France. I therefore sought the Swami in his temporary home in South Belgravia to enquire what message India could possibly send to England, apart from the remonstrances she has too often had to make on the subject of home charges, judicial and executive functions combined in one person, the settlement of expenses connected with Sudanese and other expeditions.
"It is no new thing", said the Swami composedly, "that India should send forth missionaries. She used to do so under the Emperor Asoka, in the days when the Buddhist faith was young, when she had something to teach the surrounding nation."
"Well, might one ask why she ever ceased doing so, and why she has now begun again?"
"She ceased because she grew selfish, forgot the principle that nations and individuals alike subsist and prosper by a system of give and take. Her mission to the world has always been the same. It is spiritual, the realm of introspective thought has been hers through all the ages; abstract science, metaphysics, logic, are her special domain. In reality, my mission to England is an outcome of England's to India. It has been hers to conquer, to govern, to use her knowledge of physical science to her advantage and ours. In trying to sum up India's contribution to the world, I am reminded of a Sanskrit and an English idiom. When you say a man dies, your phrase is, 'He gave up the ghost', whereas we say, 'He gave up the body'. Similarly, you more than imply that the body is the chief part of man by saying it possesses a soul. Whereas we say a man is a soul and possesses a body. These are but small ripples on the surface, yet they show the current of your national thought. I should like to remind you how Schopenhauer predicted that the influence of Indian philosophy upon Europe would be as momentous when it became well known as was the revival of Greek and Latin learning at the close of the Dark Ages. Oriental research is making great progress; a new world of ideas is opening to the seeker after truth."
"And is India finally to conquer her conquerors?"
"Yes, in the world of ideas. England has the sword, the material world, as our Mohammedan conquerors had before her. Yet Akbar the Great became practically a Hindu; educated Mohammedans, the Sufis, are hardly to be distinguished from the Hindus; they do not eat beef, and in other ways conform to our usages. Their thought has become permeated by ours."
"So, that is the fate you foresee for the lordly Sahib? Just at this moment he seems to be a long way off it."
"No, it is not so remote as you imply. In the world of religious ideas, the Hindu and the Englishman have much in common, and there is proof of the same thing among other religious communities. Where the English ruler or civil servant has had any knowledge of India's literature, especially her philosophy, there exists the ground of a common sympathy, a territory constantly widening. It is not too much to say that only ignorance is the cause of that exclusive — sometimes even contemptuous — attitude assumed by some."
"Yes, it is the measure of folly. Will you say why you went to America rather than to England on your mission?"
"That was a mere accident — a result of the World's Parliament of Religions being held in Chicago at the time of the World's Fair, instead of in London, as it ought to have been. The Raja of Mysore and some other friends sent me to America as the Hindu representative. I stayed there three years, with the exception of last summer and this summer, when I came to lecture in London. The Americans are a great people, with a future before them. I admire them very much, and found many kind friends among them. They are less prejudiced than the English, more ready to weigh end examine anew idea, to value it in spite of its newness. They are most hospitable too; far less time is lost in showing one's credentials, as it were. You travel in America, as I did, from city to city, always lecturing among friends. I saw Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Des Moines, Memphis, and numbers of other places."
"And leaving disciples in each of them?"
"Yes, disciples, but not organizations. That is no part of my work. Of these there are enough in all conscience. Organisations need men to manage them; they must seek power, money, influence. Often they struggle for domination, and even fight."
"Could the gist of this mission of yours be summed up in a few words? Is it comparative religion you want to preach?"
"It is really the philosophy of religion, the kernel of all its outward forms. All forms of religion have an essential and a non-essential part. If we strip from them the latter, there remains the real basis of all religion, which all forms of religion possess in common. Unity is behind them all. We may call it God, Allah, Jehovah, the Spirit, Love; it is the same unity that animates all life, from its lowest form to its noblest manifestation in man. It is on this unity that we need to lay stress, whereas in the West, and indeed everywhere, it is on the non-essential that men are apt to lay stress. They will fight and kill each other for these forms, to make their fellows conform. Seeing that the essential is love of God and love of man, this is curious, to say the least."
"I suppose a Hindu could never persecute."
"He never yet has done so; he is the most tolerant of all the races of men. Considering how profoundly religious he is, one might have thought that he would persecute those who believe in no God. The Jains regard such belief as sheer delusion, yet no Jain has ever been persecuted. In India the Mohammedans were the first who ever took the sword."
"What progress does the doctrine of essential unity make in England? Here we have a thousand sects."
"They must gradually disappear as liberty and knowledge increase. They are founded on the nonessential, which by the nature of things cannot survive. The sects have served their purpose, which was that of an exclusive brotherhood on lines comprehended by those within it. Gradually we reach the idea of universal brotherhood by flinging down the walls of partition which separate such aggregations of individuals. In England the work proceeds slowly, possibly because the time is not yet ripe for it; but all the same, it makes progress. Let me call your attention to the similar work that England is engaged upon in India. Modern caste distinction is a barrier to India's progress. It narrows, restricts, separates. It will crumble before the advance of ideas.
"Yet some Englishmen, and they are not the least sympathetic to India nor the most ignorant of her history, regard caste as in the main beneficent. One may easily be too much Europeanised. You yourself condemn many of our ideals as materialistic."
"True. No reasonable person aims at assimilating India to England; the body is made by the thought that lies behind it. The body politic is thus the expression of national thought, and in India, of thousands of years of thought. To Europeanise India is therefore an impossible and foolish task: the elements of progress were always actively present in India. As soon as a peaceful government was there, these have always shown themselves. From the time of the Upanishads down to the present day, nearly all our great Teachers have wanted to break through the barriers of caste, i.e. caste in its degenerate state, not the original system. What little good you see in the present caste clings to it from the original caste, which was the most glorious social institution. Buddha tried to re-establish caste in its original form. At every period of India's awakening, there have always been great efforts made to break down caste. But it must always be we who build up a new India as an effect and continuation of her past, assimilating helpful foreign ideas wherever they may be found. Never can it be they; growth must proceed from within. All that England can do is to help India to work out her own salvation. All progress at the dictation of another, whose hand is at India's throat, is valueless in my opinion. The highest work can only degenerate when slave-labour produces it."
"Have you given any attention to the Indian National Congress movement?"
"I cannot claim to have given much; my work is in another part of the field. But I regard the movement as significant, and heartily wish it success. A nation is being made out of India's different races. I sometimes think they are no less various than the different peoples of Europe. In the past, Europe has struggled for Indian trade, a trade which has played a tremendous part in the civilisation of the world; its acquisition might almost be called a turning-point in the history of humanity. We see the Dutch, Portuguese, French, and English contending for it in succession. The discovery of America may be traced to the indemnification the Venetians sought in the far distant West for the loss they suffered in the East."
"Where will it end?"
"It will certainly end in the working out of India's homogeneity, in her acquiring what we may call democratic ideas. Intelligence must not remain the monopoly of the cultured few; it will be disseminated from higher to lower classes. Education is coming, and compulsory education will follow. The immense power of our people for work must be utilised. India's potentialities are great and will be called forth"
"Has any nation ever been great without being a great military power?"
"Yes," said the Swami without a moment's hesitation, "China has. Amongst other countries, I have travelled in China and Japan. Today, China is like a disorganised mob; but in the heyday of her greatness she possessed the most admirable organisation any nation has yet known Many of the devices and methods we term modern were practiced by the Chinese for hundreds and even thousands of years. Take competitive examination as an illustration."
"Why did she become disorganized?"
"Because she could not produce men equal to the system. You have the saying that men cannot be made virtuous by an Act of Parliament; the Chinese experienced it before you. And that is why religion is of deeper importance than politics, since it goes to the root, and deals with the essential of conduct."
"Is India conscious of the awakening that you allude to?"
"Perfectly conscious. The world perhaps sees it chiefly in the Congress movement and in the field of social reform; but the awakening is quite as real in religion, though it works more silently."
"The West and East have such different ideals of life. Ours seems to be the perfecting of the social state. Whilst we are busy seeing to these matters, Orientals are meditating on abstractions. Here has Parliament been discussing the payment of the Indian army in the Sudan. All the respectable section of the Conservative press has made a loud outcry against the unjust decision of the Government, whereas you probably think the whole affair not worth attention."
"But you are quite wrong", said the Swami, taking the paper and running his eyes over extracts from the Conservative Journals. "My sympathies in this matter are naturally with my country. Yet it reminds one of the old Sanskrit proverb: 'You have sold the elephant, why quarrel over the goad?' India always pays. The quarrels of politicians are very curious. It will take ages to bring religion into politics."
"One ought to make the effort very soon all the same."
"Yes, it is worth one's while to plant an idea in the heart of this great London, surely the greatest governing machine that has ever been set in motion. I often watch it working, the power and perfection with which the minutest vein is reached, its wonderful system of circulation and distribution. It helps one to realise how great is the Empire and how great its task. And with all the rest, it distributes thought. It would be worth a man's while to place some ideas in the heart of this great machine, so that they might circulate to the remotest part."
The Swami is a man of distinguished appearance. Tall, broad, with fine features enhanced by his picturesque Eastern dress, his personality is very striking. By birth, he is a Bengali, and by education, a graduate of the Calcutta University. His gifts as an orator are high. He can speak for an hour and a half without a note or the slightest pause for a word.
文本来自Wikisource公共领域。原版由阿德瓦伊塔修道院出版。